How Public Policy Can Boost Hiring: Lessons from the Fed and Labor Market Data

Evidence-based strategies—from wage subsidies to public employment—that policymakers use to drive job creation in distressed labor markets

By Carrie HirschReviewed by PAP Editoral TeamUpdated June 8, 202624 min read

What you’ll learn in this article…

  • The Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis convened six experts on May 21, 2026 to examine how public policy can directly boost hiring.
  • Wage subsidies cost far less per job in distressed labor markets than in booming ones, making geographic targeting a high-leverage design choice.
  • Direct public employment programs create jobs but carry higher fiscal costs and require careful design to avoid displacing private sector hiring.
  • MPA and MPP graduates are increasingly needed to design, implement, and rigorously evaluate evidence-based labor demand interventions.

What policies can actually move the unemployment rate in communities where hiring has stalled? The question matters in mid-2026, as pockets of persistent underemployment coexist with tight labor markets elsewhere. Employers cite skill gaps, transportation barriers, and child care constraints. Workers face reluctance from hiring managers and structural mismatches. Both sides point to policy.

On May 21, 2026, the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis convened a virtual panel to examine how public policy can boost hiring. Six experts, including Timothy Bartik of the Upjohn Institute and state workforce administrators from Minnesota, discussed wage subsidies, direct public employment programs, and place-based interventions.

The conversation centered on a deceptively simple metric: cost per job created. That number varies dramatically by local labor market conditions, program design, and targeting choices, and it determines whether a hiring policy is worth funding at scale.

What Are Labor Demand Policies and Why Do They Matter?

Most workforce debates focus on preparing workers for jobs that already exist, but what happens when the jobs themselves are missing? That is the central question separating labor demand policies from the supply-side strategies (training programs, education credentials, job search assistance) that dominate public discussion. Understanding the distinction is essential for anyone designing, implementing, or evaluating employment interventions.

Demand-Side vs. Supply-Side: A Critical Distinction

Labor supply policies aim to make workers more competitive: they fund skills training, subsidize tuition, improve résumés, or connect job seekers to openings. These tools assume that employers are ready and willing to hire if they can find qualified candidates. Labor demand policies flip the equation. They target the employer side of the market, reducing the cost, risk, or friction associated with creating and filling positions. When employers face high wage costs, limited information about applicants, or location-specific economic headwinds, supply-side strategies alone cannot close the gap between joblessness and employment.

This framing is not academic hairsplitting. A community can invest heavily in workforce training only to discover that local employers still will not hire, whether because margins are too thin, because childcare and transportation deficits make the labor pool unreliable, or because the region's economy simply lacks enough private-sector activity to absorb trained workers. Demand-side interventions address those structural shortfalls directly. For practitioners and students exploring public policy making, grasping this distinction is a foundational step toward designing interventions that actually move the needle on employment.

The Intellectual Foundation

Timothy Bartik, senior economist at the W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, offered one of the field's most influential frameworks in his 2001 book, "Jobs for the Poor: Can Labor Demand Policies Help?" Bartik argued that demand-side tools deserve equal footing with supply-side approaches, and he laid out a rigorous method for comparing the cost per job generated across different policy designs and local economic conditions. His research showed that the same intervention can produce very different results depending on whether it lands in a distressed labor market or a booming one, a finding that continues to shape how policymakers target resources today. Bartik was among the panelists at the May 2026 Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis event, "How Can Public Policy Boost Hiring?", underscoring the ongoing relevance of this framework.1

Common Demand-Side Tools

Several concrete policy instruments fall under the demand-side umbrella. Each works through a different mechanism, and later sections of this article examine them in depth:

  • Wage subsidies: Government payments that offset a portion of an employee's wages, lowering the employer's cost of hiring.
  • Targeted tax credits: Incentives such as the Work Opportunity Tax Credit that reward employers for hiring from specific populations, including veterans, long-term unemployed workers, or residents of economically distressed areas.
  • Direct public employment: Government agencies or publicly funded organizations create positions themselves, bypassing private-sector hiring decisions entirely.
  • Place-based incentives: Geographically targeted programs that channel investment, infrastructure, or regulatory relief to specific communities where private labor demand is weakest.

These tools are not mutually exclusive, and effective policy portfolios often combine demand-side and supply-side elements. Professionals working in roles like community development specialist positions frequently navigate this blend on the ground. The critical first step is recognizing that worker preparation alone is not sufficient when the fundamental willingness or capacity of employers to hire remains the binding constraint.

Key Obstacles to Hiring That Policy Can Address

Five distinct barrier categories emerged from the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis panel discussion in May 2026, each representing a policy-addressable friction point in the labor market. Understanding how these obstacles interact is essential for designing interventions that actually move workers into jobs.

Skills Gaps and Credential Mismatches

The most frequently cited hiring obstacle involves the disconnect between what employers need and what job seekers can demonstrate. This goes beyond actual skill deficits to include credential signaling failures, where workers possess relevant abilities but lack formal certifications that employers recognize. Panelists noted that many qualified candidates are screened out before interviews because automated systems filter for specific credentials rather than underlying competencies.

Transportation and Geographic Access

Physical access to job sites remains a stubborn barrier, particularly in regions where employment centers have shifted away from population concentrations. A worker may possess the exact skills an employer seeks but cannot accept a position if reliable transportation is unavailable or prohibitively expensive. This infrastructure constraint intersects with other barriers: someone managing childcare drop-offs has less flexibility to navigate complex transit routes or extended commute times. Research on urban planning and public policy underscores how land use decisions shape access to opportunity.

Childcare Supply Constraints

The availability and affordability of childcare shapes labor force participation at a fundamental level. Panel participants highlighted how childcare constraints disproportionately affect certain populations and geographic areas. Unlike skills gaps, which policy can address through training, childcare shortages require supply-side infrastructure investment, making them slower to resolve but potentially higher impact when addressed.

Employer Reluctance and Hiring Risk Aversion

Employers themselves create barriers through risk-averse hiring practices. Reluctance to consider candidates with non-traditional backgrounds, employment gaps, or involvement with the justice system limits the effective labor pool. This behavioral barrier differs from structural obstacles because it responds to different policy levers, including incentives that reduce perceived hiring risk or programs that provide probationary periods with public support. Professionals working as government program managers are often responsible for administering these incentive structures at the federal and state levels.

Information Asymmetries in Matching

Both sides of the labor market often operate with incomplete information. Employers struggle to assess candidate quality beyond resume signals, while job seekers may not know about available positions or understand employer requirements. These matching frictions mean that willing workers and willing employers fail to connect.

These barrier categories are not independent. Consider a candidate who has relevant skills but lacks a formal credential, lives in an area with limited transit, and needs childcare during non-standard hours. Addressing only one obstacle leaves others blocking employment. Effective policy must recognize these interactions, targeting multiple friction points simultaneously or sequentially.

Questions to Ask Yourself

Identifying the primary constraint sharpens your focus: a wage subsidy does little if workers cannot physically reach jobs, while transportation fixes miss the mark when employers cite a lack of qualified applicants.

This distinction guides your choice between demand-side tools like tax credits and supply-side supports such as training or childcare. Misalignment risks an expensive program with low uptake.

Bartik's research finds that the cost per job created can be far lower in tight labor markets, but targeting distressed areas may yield greater social returns. Ignoring this trade-off can misdirect public funds.

Without a predefined metric, like an increase in retention or a drop in unemployment duration, you cannot assess effectiveness or justify continued investment to stakeholders.

Wage Subsidies and Tax Credits: How They Work and When They're Effective

Wage subsidies and hiring tax credits aim to lower the cost of taking on a worker, but their track record depends almost entirely on design choices that determine whether the money changes hiring behavior or simply rewards decisions employers had already made.

How the Mechanics Work

A wage subsidy or hiring tax credit reduces the marginal cost of a new hire. An employer weighing whether a worker will produce enough value to justify the wage faces a different calculation when the government covers a slice of that wage for a defined period. In theory, the subsidy tips marginal hires from "not worth it" to "worth it," expanding employment for groups who would otherwise be screened out. In practice, the credit only changes behavior when it is large enough relative to the wage, simple enough for employers to claim, and structured so that the hiring decision is made before the subsidy is locked in. For readers still grounding themselves in how these tools fit within the broader landscape, our guide to defining public policy offers useful context.

The Work Opportunity Tax Credit in Practice

The federal Work Opportunity Tax Credit (WOTC), authorized under IRC §51, offers employers up to $2,400 per qualifying hire from targeted groups including SNAP and TANF recipients, veterans (up to $9,600), and individuals with felony records.1 The credit equals 40 percent of the first $6,000 in wages, with an average claim around $1,100 per hire.2 Employers must screen and certify workers within 28 days of the start date.1

Despite 13 reauthorizations since its creation, recent evaluations are sobering. Analysis from Arnold Ventures found that 97 to 100 percent of WOTC claims in 2023 and 2024 went to hires employers would have made anyway, the classic windfall problem.2 The cost per genuinely new job created ranges from roughly $36,700 to $110,000, and the program shows no detectable effect on overall hiring of target populations.2 WOTC was most recently extended through December 31, 2025, leaving its 2026 status a live policy question.1

State Programs and Design Lessons

State efforts like the Minnesota Job Creation Fund take a different approach: discretionary, performance-based awards tied to verified new positions and capital investment, with clawback provisions if job commitments are not met. That structure mitigates windfall by paying only after measurable outcomes.

The design features that separate effective subsidies from expensive symbolism are consistent across the research:

  • Targeting: Narrow eligibility to workers facing real labor market barriers, not broad populations employers hire routinely.
  • Generosity: Subsidies must be large enough relative to wages to shift the margin, often above 25 percent.
  • Timing: Pre-hire certification beats retroactive claiming for changing behavior.
  • Administrative simplicity: Complex paperwork suppresses uptake among smaller employers who hire the target population most often.

Direct Public Employment Programs: Design, Impact, and Trade-Offs

What Are Direct Public Employment Programs?

Direct public employment programs place government in the role of employer, hiring workers for public projects, services, or temporary initiatives. This contrasts sharply with wage subsidies, where government uses tax credits or direct payments to incentivize private employers to hire. The critical distinction lies in who initiates the employment relationship and bears the payroll cost. In a direct employment model, government agencies create job slots, set wages, and manage workers, often targeting specific populations or distressed areas. This approach can be especially useful when private-sector hiring is weak or when employers remain reluctant to take on workers they perceive as risky. For those considering a career in public policy, understanding these program mechanics is essential.

What Happens When the Government Hires at Scale?

The 2010 Decennial Census Hiring Program provides a compelling case study. A Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Community Development Working Paper, "Large-Scale Public Hiring and Labor Market Outcomes" by Adam Bee and Ayushi Narayan, uses a regression discontinuity design around the hiring test score threshold to estimate causal impacts.1 The study finds that marginal hires, those just above the cutoff, experienced an immediate boost in employment in 2010, with long-term employment gains of 25 percentage points.1 Notably, these long-term gains were concentrated among male hires. Critically, the paper finds no strong evidence of harmful crowd-out: private-sector jobs and wages were not significantly displaced.2 This suggests that, at least in this context, large-scale public hiring can expand overall employment without undermining private labor markets.

Weighing the Trade-Offs

While the crowd-out finding is reassuring, direct public employment carries inherent trade-offs. Fiscal costs are direct and often high, as government must cover wages, benefits, and administrative overhead. The quality of jobs created varies with program design. Historical evidence from the Works Progress Administration shows that while private wages saw a positive but imprecise effect, unemployment did not decline significantly and worker selection remained unchanged.3 Sustainability is another concern: what happens when the program ends? Without strong bridges to private-sector jobs, gains may prove temporary. Critics argue that direct hiring can distort labor markets if not carefully targeted, though the Bee and Narayan paper suggests these fears may be overstated.

Equity Considerations

Direct public employment programs have a distinct equity advantage. Because they can target hiring based on need rather than employer preference, they often reach harder-to-employ populations. In the Census program, marginal hires experienced larger employment effects than higher-scoring applicants, indicating that public hiring can provide a foothold for workers who might otherwise be overlooked.1 Wage subsidies, by contrast, tend to flow toward workers private employers are already considering, those with stronger credentials or work histories, potentially leaving the most disadvantaged behind. For policymakers focused on inclusive labor market recovery, direct hiring offers a tool to address gaps that incentives alone cannot fill. Understanding programs like these through the lens of civil service reform helps clarify how government employment strategies evolve over time.

Comparing Policy Tools: Cost, Reach, and Worker Outcomes

Cost-per-job is the single most useful metric for comparing labor demand policies, but it is rarely available off the shelf. Analysts have to assemble it from program spending records, employment impact estimates, and assumptions about deadweight loss and displacement. For public administration professionals weighing wage subsidies, hiring tax credits, direct public employment, and place-based business incentives, the comparison work is as much about sourcing as it is about math.

Where to Find Cost-Per-Job Estimates

The W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research is the strongest starting point. Timothy Bartik's body of work on hiring credits, wage subsidies, and place-based policies includes cost-per-job calculations grounded in program evaluation data, and his publications database is searchable by topic. For federal interventions, Congressional Budget Office reports on major recovery and stimulus legislation, including the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, contain cost-per-job ranges for both direct hiring provisions and employer tax incentives.

For comparative work across policy types, peer-reviewed meta-analyses are essential. The Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, Labour Economics, and the Journal of Public Economics regularly publish cost-effectiveness comparisons. Google Scholar searches that pair policy names with terms like "cost per job created" or "deadweight loss" surface useful working papers, including those from the National Bureau of Economic Research. Professionals working as a think tank analyst will find these repositories especially valuable for building evidence-based recommendations.

Building Your Own Estimates

When published figures are stale or do not match your jurisdiction, you can construct estimates by combining program cost data (often available from Treasury, state revenue departments, or agency budget documents) with employment impact estimates from quasi-experimental studies. Labor market context from the Bureau of Labor Statistics helps anchor counterfactuals: what hiring would have occurred without the intervention? Those interested in policy consulting can sharpen these skills through graduate coursework and applied research projects.

Two cautions apply across all of these sources. First, cost-per-job figures vary widely depending on whether they capture gross jobs, net jobs, or quality-adjusted jobs. Second, reach and worker outcomes (who actually gets hired, at what wage, and for how long) often matter more than headline cost figures when designing programs for distressed communities.

Place-Based Policies for Distressed Labor Markets

The cost of creating a single job through public policy varies dramatically depending on where that job is located, and understanding this variation is essential for any policymaker allocating scarce resources. Research from labor economists, most notably Timothy Bartik at the W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, has consistently shown that job creation interventions cost far less per position in economically distressed areas than in tight, booming labor markets. This insight carries profound implications for how state and local governments design incentive packages, target subsidies, and measure success.

Why Geography Changes the Equation

In a distressed labor market, where unemployment is elevated and employers face less competition for workers, a wage subsidy or business incentive can draw on a larger pool of available labor without bidding up wages across the broader economy. The result is a lower per-job cost and a higher probability that the position goes to someone who was previously unemployed rather than simply poached from a neighboring employer. In a booming market, by contrast, incentives may shift workers between firms rather than pull new participants into the workforce, raising costs and diminishing the net employment gain.

Bartik's body of work, stretching back to his 2001 book on labor demand policies and continuing through more recent Upjohn Institute working papers, offers frameworks for comparing these scenarios. Practitioners looking for concrete cost-per-job estimates across different market conditions can search the Upjohn Institute's website (upjohn.org) for his published analyses, which typically include comparative tables.

How to Benchmark Your Own Community

Applying national research to a specific jurisdiction requires local data. Professionals pursuing careers as urban policy planners will find this kind of geographic analysis central to their daily work. A practical workflow for policy analysts includes the following steps:

  • Assess local conditions: Use Bureau of Labor Statistics data (bls.gov) to identify your area's unemployment rate, labor force participation rate, and recent job growth trends.
  • Identify cost-per-job ranges: Cross-reference those conditions against Bartik's published cost-per-job estimates, which distinguish between distressed, moderate, and tight labor markets.
  • Consult economic development reports: Your state or regional economic development office likely publishes evaluations of existing incentive programs. Compare their per-job figures against the benchmarks from Bartik's research.
  • Review academic literature: Professional associations such as the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management (APPAM) and the Urban Economics Association regularly feature seminar papers and policy briefs that summarize cost-effectiveness findings by market tightness.

Designing Targeted Interventions

The core lesson for public administrators is that blanket, one-size-fits-all hiring incentives waste money. A wage subsidy that performs well in a county with double-digit unemployment may generate minimal net new employment in a metro area already at or near full employment. Bartik's framework for place-based policies, detailed in his work on shared economic growth, provides guidance on setting eligibility thresholds, adjusting subsidy levels to local wage floors, and incorporating sunset provisions so that programs scale down as labor markets tighten.

For professionals in public administration and policy, mastering this place-based lens is not optional. State legislators, city managers, and regional planning directors increasingly expect staff to quantify return on investment by geography. Analysts with training in public finance and budgeting are especially well positioned to lead these cost-per-job evaluations. The Minneapolis Fed panel held in May 2026, which featured Bartik alongside practitioners and researchers, underscored that rigorous geographic targeting is now a baseline expectation in federal and state hiring policy discussions, not a methodological luxury.

Starting with your own community's labor market data and working outward to published research benchmarks is the most reliable path to designing interventions that create real jobs at a defensible cost.

Insights from the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Panel

On May 21, 2026, the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis convened six panelists for a one-hour virtual discussion, "How Can Public Policy Boost Hiring?", that pulled together threads from academic labor economics, state workforce administration, and private hiring platforms.

Who Was at the Table

The lineup was deliberately cross-sector. Timothy Bartik, senior economist at the W.E. Upjohn Institute and co-director of its place-based policies research, brought decades of work on labor demand interventions, including his foundational 2001 book *Jobs for the Poor: Can Labor Demand Policies Help?* Ayushi Narayan, who moderated, is a Minneapolis Fed economist with a Harvard PhD whose research focuses on labor market institutions; she also co-authored the related working paper *Large-scale Public Hiring and Labor Market Outcomes* with Adam Bee. Hue Nguyen, who delivered the welcome and closing, contributed more than 20 years of Minnesota state government experience. Adam Ozimek represented the Economic Innovation Group, Jen Swalboski spoke from the hiring platform Hired, and Neal Young joined from the Minnesota Department of Employment and Economic Development (DEED).

Four Takeaways Worth Carrying Forward

  • Demand-side levers deserve equal billing: The conversation pushed back on the default framing that hiring problems are primarily skills problems, treating wage subsidies and direct public employment as serious tools rather than last resorts.
  • Cost per job varies sharply by local conditions: Bartik's research thread, that the same intervention buys more employment in distressed labor markets than in booming ones, reframes how policymakers should sequence and target spending.
  • State capacity matters as much as program design: Nguyen and Young grounded the discussion in Minnesota's operational experience, a reminder that DEED-style implementation infrastructure is often the binding constraint on whether a policy works.
  • Non-wage barriers are policy barriers: Transportation, child care, and employer hesitancy were treated as squarely within the policy toolkit, not as exogenous frictions.

Why the Mix Matters

The panel's composition, researchers alongside state administrators and a private-sector hiring platform, mirrors what effective hiring policy actually requires: evidence from people who study it, delivery from people who run it, and feedback from the labor market itself. For professionals weighing a public budget analyst career or studying importance of public policy, that multi-stakeholder model is the implicit lesson of the hour.

Measuring What Works: Evaluating Hiring Policy Effectiveness

Rigorous evaluation separates effective labor demand policies from expensive failures. Without systematic measurement, policymakers cannot distinguish programs that genuinely create jobs from those that merely shift hiring patterns or subsidize employment that would have occurred anyway. For public administration professionals, understanding evaluation methodology is essential for designing accountable programs and making evidence-based budget decisions.

Why Evaluation Matters for Hiring Policies

Labor demand interventions operate in complex economic environments where many factors influence hiring simultaneously. A wage subsidy program might coincide with broader economic recovery, making it difficult to attribute job gains to the policy itself. Evaluation frameworks help isolate the causal effect of specific interventions, enabling policymakers to scale what works and discontinue what does not.

The stakes are substantial. Poorly designed programs can waste public resources while creating only the appearance of impact. Effective evaluation protects taxpayer investments and builds the evidence base that future policymakers need.

Core Evaluation Methodologies

Three primary approaches dominate hiring policy evaluation:

  • Randomized controlled trials: Participants are randomly assigned to receive policy benefits or serve as a control group, producing the cleanest causal estimates. However, RCTs face practical and ethical constraints in employment contexts.
  • Quasi-experimental designs: Methods like difference-in-differences compare outcomes before and after policy implementation across treated and untreated groups. Regression discontinuity exploits eligibility thresholds to estimate effects. These approaches work well when randomization is infeasible.
  • Cost-benefit analysis: This framework weighs program costs against monetized benefits, including increased earnings, reduced public assistance, and broader economic gains.

The Displacement Challenge

Perhaps the most difficult measurement problem involves displacement and substitution effects. Did a wage subsidy create a net new job, or did it simply shift hiring from one firm to a subsidized competitor? Did the program help a specific worker while displacing another who would have filled that position otherwise?

Measuring these effects requires tracking outcomes across entire labor markets, not just program participants. Researchers must examine whether subsidized hiring reduced employment elsewhere in the same industry or region.

The Federal Reserve's Role in Building Evidence

Federal Reserve economists contribute significantly to hiring policy evaluation through access to large-scale administrative data and sophisticated analytical infrastructure. Research by Ayushi Narayan and colleagues at the Minneapolis Fed, including work on large-scale public hiring programs, demonstrates how central bank resources can illuminate policy effectiveness.

The Fed's labor market research infrastructure enables analysis that individual state agencies often cannot conduct independently. This includes linking employment records across jurisdictions and tracking long-term worker outcomes. For professionals pursuing roles in government program management, engaging with this research base provides essential guidance on what program features produce meaningful results.

What This Means for Public Administration and Policy Careers

Where do MPA and MPP graduates fit into the labor demand policy landscape? The emergence of evidence-based hiring interventions as a core public policy tool has created growing demand for professionals who can design, implement, and evaluate these programs. This work sits at the intersection of economics, public administration, and workforce development, and it requires exactly the skill set that public policy graduate programs cultivate.

Career Pathways in Labor Demand Policy

Several institutional settings employ careers in public administration professionals in this space. State workforce agencies such as Minnesota's Department of Employment and Economic Development (DEED) hire policy analysts, program managers, and evaluation specialists to design and administer wage subsidy programs, sector partnerships, and targeted hiring initiatives. Federal Reserve research divisions employ economists and policy researchers to study labor market dynamics and advise policymakers on intervention design. Think tanks like the W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research recruit researchers and policy fellows to conduct quasi-experimental evaluations and cost-benefit analyses of job creation programs. Economic development nonprofits and regional planning organizations hire staff to implement place-based hiring policies and coordinate with employers, training providers, and government agencies.

Core Competencies This Work Demands

Successful labor demand policy work requires several competencies central to MPA and MPP curricula:

  • Quantitative evaluation: Using quasi-experimental methods (difference-in-differences, regression discontinuity, propensity score matching) to measure program effects on employment, wages, and poverty outcomes.
  • Cost-benefit analysis: Estimating the fiscal cost per job created, deadweight loss from subsidizing hires that would have occurred anyway, and net social returns under different targeting regimes.
  • Stakeholder engagement: Convening employers, workforce boards, community organizations, and state agencies to align program design with real-world hiring barriers and operational constraints.
  • Program administration: Managing eligibility systems, reimbursement flows, compliance monitoring, and data reporting for subsidy or direct employment programs.

A Growing Professional Field

As federal, state, and local policymakers face persistent labor market inequality and tight fiscal constraints, the demand for rigorous, data-driven hiring policy will continue to grow. Understanding the difference between public administration and public policy can help prospective students choose the right degree path for this work. Whether you enter state government, applied research, or economic development practice, labor demand policy offers a clear path to measurable impact on employment and opportunity.

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